Malcolm Byrne: Evidence-led vision for unity, EU and trade

I welcome this debate and as I would have indicated during the discussions and the debate on Irish unity last week, I think we should always be open to discussing any possibilities for new constitutional arrangements or indeed cooperation on this island or between these islands. But it is critical that at all stages that the discussion is evidence-based, it's fully transparent and that it's honest, and it can't just be a discussion purely about economy, it has to be about how it relates to society more generally. And as I think the Tánaiste indicated at the start, I think what is important is that at all times in our discussion on these issues, that we look to uphold the principles of the Good Friday Agreement, arguably the real sign that politics does work. There's always the challenge of course that when romantic idealism meets economic realism, we can see quite a shock. And I know a lot of what we've been talking about here is around some of the issues about fiscal transfer and the amounts of money that are involved, but I think it needs to be some of the broader discussions we need to have. There are different economic models operating on both sides of the border. I'm particularly glad hearing some members of the opposition here praising so strongly the strength of the economy here in the south, which we don't always hear. But we also, I have to say, that when we talk about the approach to the economy that will operate in future in this island, that is critical. And particularly in terms of young people who are looking at what will the constitution arrangements be, I think the economic model that we are going to offer is going to be critical. As I said last week, German reunification was quite different, because at that time it was much more desire of everybody in Germany to reunify. But certainly the evidence there suggests that since 1990, the cost is estimated to have been about 2 trillion euro in transfers to be able to unify both sides more closely. And we're still at a situation where in East Germany, GDP per capita is just at 66% of that in the west. But I think the critical issues, and as I said, I don't want to concentrate too much on the figures. The critical issues that were there in terms of how that economy grew and merged were around issues around social cohesion, cultural recognition, and acceptance of institutional legitimacy. And those debates also have to be part of the discussion around the economy. There are crucial differences, as I said, in our economy. For instance, here in the south, 15% of the entire workforce are employed in the public sector. In the north, it's 30%. That is a quite different economic model, and it's something we need to look at. And I agree with Deputy Farrell when she said what we have to look at is about workers and young people and the opportunities that we're going to present to them. And I think there are good examples of work that's being done. I'd cite Tourism Ireland, for example, in terms of its work to market the island of Ireland quite successfully, and I think in terms of practical measures, increasing the budget for Tourism Ireland to be able to do that so when tourists come that they travel all over the island. They don't tend to see the border. And I think there's a lot of good work being done in the shared island unit, and indeed I agree with Deputy Gibney when she talked about some of the cultural cooperation that's needed. I do think as well, critical to the development of any economy is human capital, and I'm very proud about the fact that in the south, that we have one of the highest rates of participation in further and higher education, and Minister, I want to commend you and your leadership in terms of expanding the apprenticeships offerings. But the way in which the executive in the north operates, because it caps the numbers of university places, it inhibits and contributes toward a brain drain from the north. And what we've long seen a tradition, particularly among those from unionist communities, is going to university, particularly in Scotland, and not returning. And we have to look at how we invest in human capital well into the future. And I think that's why some of the initiatives under the shared island unit in the research area have been important. But I think when we talk about economics, it's about the economic vision that we need to present in this country. And for me, the vision has to be, and for young people on both sides of the border, it has to be one about investing in education research, about continuing to be a pro-trade island, because this is essential for this island, and being at the centre of the European Union. And I think we need to talk about that far more. Brexit robbed people, not just in the north, but in Britain, but particularly young people, of so many opportunities. I've always been very proud, and the parties on this side of the house have been consistent in our support of the European Union, and the opportunities that it has presented for this island. But I think the greatest advocate for how the European Union has been able to change this island has been John Hume, who saw the potential of the EU, and not just to allow the islands to grow economically, but also socially. And indeed, the STLP and the alliance have been consistent in terms of their support on the EU, but I think Sinn Féin needs to be much more clear. It needs to move away from that euro-critical position that it had. Well, I've got to say, Sinn Féin was the only party who put up posters after the Brexit referendum. And please bear in mind that as recently as 2012, Mary Lou MacDonald, I appreciate you're not on your hair, but Mary Lou MacDonald was sharing a platform with Nigel Farage about their vision for the European Union. And what I have to say is, in terms of our economic opportunities, we have to be right at the heart of the European Union. I noticed that Deputy Bennett quoted Parnell, and I was glad that he would now be a constituent if he was alive today, of my own. But one thing that needs to be remembered about Parnell, Parnell was pro-business and pro-trade. Parnell owned quarries near Arklow, he had sawmills, he was involved in gold prospecting. He saw the economic potential of this island. And I think the other message that we need to send out if we're going to grow this economy is that we are pro-trade. Trade right throughout, free and fair trade right throughout history, is the greatest example of being able to provide people with employment opportunities and lifting people out of poverty. One of the best examples I think is about us being able to trade with Canada. We know in terms of the success here in the south of our relationship, but Canada is Northern Ireland's fourth largest global export market, after Ireland, the US and Germany, in engineering and manufacturing, in financial services and insurance. And a message that goes out that saying we're not going to support trade deals with Canada is not in the best interests of the young people of Northern Ireland. I welcome this debate. It has to be grounded in realism. But the difference is that we have to set out that the vision we have will be at the centre of the European Union and that it will be one of a trading nation working together.