Gerard P. Craughwell on Sovereignty, Neutrality and EU Assistance
Gerard P. Craughwell questioned where state sovereignty lies when permission is sought outside the state to deploy troops and examined Ireland's obligations under the EU mutual assistance clause. He called for stronger Oireachtas oversight, clearer working definitions of neutrality, and said expectations of assistance resemble current non-lethal support to Ukraine rather than automatic troop deployments.
Craughwell asked whether sovereignty is compromised when permission is sought from external bodies to deploy troops, whether the Senate could play a role similar to a United Nations Security Council analogue for deployment decisions, and referenced concerns about Shannon and other operational points.
He argued that the Oireachtas should be strengthened, proposing more powers for defence committees to receive operational legal advice, rules of engagement, and input from the Attorney General. Craughwell said Parliament needs access to the same legal and humanitarian law advice as the government.
Craughwell noted that the EU treaty contains a mutual assistance clause but said it is not understood to have the same strength as NATO's Article 5. He suggested there will be an expectation of assistance to other EU states, similar to current support for Ukraine, but not an automatic obligation to deploy Irish personnel into a war zone.
He warned that definitions of neutrality are unclear both internationally and domestically, and said neutrality has become a sentiment that can hinder clear policy. Craughwell urged clearer explanations of how political and military neutrality are reconciled with support for EU partners defending themselves.
Craughwell concluded that the Irish public and other EU member states do not fully understand Ireland's position on European security and that policymakers should be more straightforward about threats to Irish democracy in 2025 and the country's likely responses.
Questions raised
Craughwell asked whether sovereignty is compromised when permission is sought from external bodies to deploy troops, whether the Senate could play a role similar to a United Nations Security Council analogue for deployment decisions, and referenced concerns about Shannon and other operational points.
Parliamentary oversight and defence committees
He argued that the Oireachtas should be strengthened, proposing more powers for defence committees to receive operational legal advice, rules of engagement, and input from the Attorney General. Craughwell said Parliament needs access to the same legal and humanitarian law advice as the government.
EU mutual assistance versus NATO Article 5
Craughwell noted that the EU treaty contains a mutual assistance clause but said it is not understood to have the same strength as NATO's Article 5. He suggested there will be an expectation of assistance to other EU states, similar to current support for Ukraine, but not an automatic obligation to deploy Irish personnel into a war zone.
Neutrality definitions and public clarity
He warned that definitions of neutrality are unclear both internationally and domestically, and said neutrality has become a sentiment that can hinder clear policy. Craughwell urged clearer explanations of how political and military neutrality are reconciled with support for EU partners defending themselves.
Implications for Irish security and public understanding
Craughwell concluded that the Irish public and other EU member states do not fully understand Ireland's position on European security and that policymakers should be more straightforward about threats to Irish democracy in 2025 and the country's likely responses.
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Transcript
Okay, we are tight for time. So a couple of very quick questions. The triple lock and sovereignty. Where does the sovereignty of the state lie when we go outside the state for permission to deploy troops? Could the Senate fill the same role as the United Nations Security Council with a significant majority required to deploy troops? And finally, a lot of talk here about Nice. We're now part of the European Union and several countries within the European Union are currently, feel they're under threat from Russia. If there's an attack on one of those countries, has Ireland any obligations towards those countries in light of the amendment that came in the referendum to our constitution? Thank you. I just say that I think in terms of, you know, you mentioned the Shannon, but I actually think that, you know, really, and other European countries have done this, and a country like New Zealand has also done this, where, you know, strengthening a defence committee, whereby defence committees can get, you know, quite operational legal advice. I think Parliament here is key for me, the Oireachtas is key. I think the Oireachtas needs, you know, I would like to see more powers for the Oireachtas, including getting these, you know, advice and rules of engagement, you know, view, you know, the Attorney General and others talking about the law of our own conflict, international humanitarian law, I think it's all very good for Oireachtas to have, you know, a lot of information on that, really as much as the government. And I'm not sure it's always been the case in the past, or even thinking about the Oireachtas, getting the advice, getting more advice on potential difficulties, illegal understandings, rules of engagement, you know, I think that's, really should be, I hope that that is developed in the future. In terms of obligations, clearly there is, you know, a mutual assistance clause within the treaty, but that is not understood to have anywhere like the strength of Article 5 of NATO. So, I think, again, we are aligned in that there will be an expectation of assistance in the way that we now provide assistance to Ukrainian military, for example. Not necessarily a lethal aid, but we do lots of things for them in terms of military hospitals, in terms of, so, there will be an expectation of assistance. That doesn't mean that Irish men and women will be sort of deploying to a war zone in the morning, far from it. So, there is an expectation, and there are reasons why, and hence, I'm going to be talking to the deputy earlier, neutrality definitions of it. If you talk to a Swiss, you know, government lawyer about why they can't join the EU, you say, well, neutrality, it's an important, so, you know, in some ways, there is a total lack of clarity about working definitions of neutrality, both internationally and here. It's become a sentiment, and sentiments sometimes don't lead to very good policy. So, we do need to, you know, work a little bit more in sort of explaining how we marry this sense of we're not politically neutral, but we are militarily neutral, to we are in favour of the EU helping Ukraine to defend itself. These are things that the Irish public do not understand well, and also our other EU member states do not understand well. So, I do think that, you know, we've tried to be a little bit too clever with some of these things, and not straight enough with the Irish public, about where we are in terms of European security and threats to Irish democracy in 2025. Thank you very much. I'll move on to Donna Corleary now.