Mattie McGrath warns of sanctions' risks in Gaza humanitarian crisis

And I too would like to wish Deputy Howland and Deputy Murphy the very, very best and thank them for their sterling and outstanding service here. And over a long number of years, the House will be a poor place without them. The situation in Gaza is dire. The latest data suggests that as of 29 October 2024, over 44,000 people, 43,161 Palestinians and 1,706 Israelis have been reported as killed in the Israel-Hamas war, including 134 to 146, whatever you count, you look at, media workers. 120 academics and over 224 humanitarian aid workers, including 179 employees of UNRWA. This is outrageous that that could be allowed to take place, that aid workers and humanitarian people who give up their time and put their lives at risk could be slaughtered. The conflict, which began in October 2023, has also resulted in more than 101,000 Palestinians being wounded and 90% of the population displaced and critical infrastructure destroyed. These figures highlight a severe humanitarian crisis and underscore the importance of addressing the issues utterly. Ireland should always advocate for peace in the Middle East as a neutral country. Our history and lack of colonial legacy position positioned us uniquely to mediate and promote conflict resolution. While it is crucial to speak out against genocide and human rights violations, taking sides can be counterproductive and damage our neutrality and long-term prospects of peace. The humanitarian crisis in Gaza is dire, with widespread displacement, destruction and food insecurity. Ireland must continue to push for international aid and support for the affected populations. Highlighting the need for a balanced approach, we should advocate for both immediate humanitarian relief and long-term political solutions to ensure sustainable peace. Ireland's strong stance on Middle Eastern issues, particularly its criticism of Israel's actions, has occasionally strained relations with the US, a key ally of Israel. Balancing our commitment to human rights with diplomatic relations is essential. We must ensure our actions do not undermine our strategic partnerships, especially with the US, which is vital for our economic and countries' interests. As a signatory of the Genocide Convention, Ireland has a legal and moral duty to prevent and punish acts of genocide. This includes taking a firm stance against any actions that constitute genocide. However, our approach should be measured and focused on promoting dialogue and peace, rather than escalating tensions. Iran's involvement in the region, which is not mentioned in the motion, particularly through its proxies like Hezbollah and indeed funding of Hamas, has significantly contributed to the ongoing tensions. Iran's support for these groups has been a strategic move to counterbalance its adversaries, notably Israel and Saudi Arabia. This influence complicates the situation further, as it adds another layer of conflict and instability into the region. Addressing the role of external actors like Iran is crucial in any comprehensive peace effort. By maintaining a balanced and principled stance, Ireland can effectively contribute to peace in the Middle East, while safeguarding its neutrality and international relationships. Economic impact of sanctions could disrupt Israel's economic relations between Israel and the sanctioning countries. This could also affect industries such as technology, agriculture and defence, leading to economic losses on both sides. Sanctions may strain diplomatic relations, not only between Israel and the sanctioning countries, but also with allies of Israel, such as the United States. We in Ireland have 300,000 people working here in US firms, and with the new administration in the States, it is imperative that bridges are rebuilt, and the United States is a protector of the FDI sector, with the United States. And we in Cranmel alone, in the wonderful town of Clown Manor, the Vale of Honey, we have over nearly 6,000 FDI American, FDI industry jobs. Merck Sheppard Dome, for instance, is there nearly almost 60 years. Wonderful company. We have Abbott in Boston, and we have Trasdale and Boer out in Cundie-Bortlaude again, and we have another couple of thousand jobs. So to the South East is vital, and to our economies definitely, but those workers and their families are so welcome in South Tipperary and Cranmel, and so welcome in Ireland, and do provide a huge, you know, industry and a huge social impact as well. And also the supply industry and the service industry, huge, way beyond nearly as big as the job numbers themselves again. So the regional stability, as sanctions might exacerbate tensions in the Middle East, potentially leading to increased instability. This could affect neighbouring countries and contribute to a broader regional conflict. While sanctions aim to pressure governments, they can also inadvertently harm civilians by limiting access to essential goods and services. And so this could worsen the humanitarian situation in the region, and it's hard to believe that it could be worse, but it could actually. We have to be careful. Israel might respond to sanctions with its own set of regulatory measures, which could include economic or diplomatic actions against the sanctioning countries. This could lead to a tit-for-tat escalation, further complicating international relations. Sanctions could hinder ongoing peace efforts by hardening positions and reducing the willingness of parties to engage in dialogue. This could make it more difficult to achieve a negotiated settlement to the conflicts, and that would be the totally wrong thing to do, and the wrong outcome. The position of sanctions must be carefully considered to ensure they comply with international law, and do not violate human rights further. There is a risk that poorly designed sanctions could be seen as unjust or discriminatory. In summary, while sanctions are a tool to exert pressure, they come with significant risks that may need to be carefully weighed up. A balanced approach that considers both immediate and long-term consequences is essential to avoid unintended negative consequences. And I, too, would like to appeal here, and I did, on Tuesday, the Order of Business, the Occupy Territories Bill. I appealed to the Dáil, you can sit tomorrow. Today isn't a very busy day. We've had discussed this at business committees. Two of the parties here, Sinn Féin and Social Democrats, I think, offered their private members' time. If the government were willing or interested enough to pass this, it would have been passed, or should have been passed, and the Dáil could have sat for another day if necessary, it's such an important issue. And we need to show that cause. There's unanimous support in the House, but so I don't know why the government just had been foot-dragging, and outright refused to pass this piece of legislation. Thank you, Deputy.