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Paul Murphy Condemns Training of Libyan Coast Guard, Demands Guarantee

Paul Murphy Condemns Training of Libyan Coast Guard, Demands Guarantee

Paul Murphy said he will oppose the motion unless it guarantees that Irish forces and naval service personnel will not be involved in training or capacity building of the Libyan Coast Guard. He cited UN findings of severe abuses by the Libyan Coast Guard and warned there is no legal requirement to return for another vote if the mission's intent changes.

Vote stance


Paul Murphy stated that, as it stands, he will oppose the motion unless it includes a firm commitment that Irish forces and naval service personnel will not engage in capacity building or training of the Libyan Coast Guard.

Request for minister clarification


He asked the minister to clarify whether a change in intention would require a further vote, warning that approval now could allow deployment without another parliamentary vote and that the "triple lock" is not a sufficient safeguard if there is no legal obligation to come back for another vote.

Allegations from UN report


He read from the UN independent fact-finding mission on Libya (1 October 2021), citing findings that there are reasonable grounds to believe acts by the Libyan Coast Guard - including murder, enslavement, torture, rape and other inhumane acts - may amount to crimes against humanity, and describing intolerable detention-centre conditions, forced labour, sexual violence and reports of people being sold to traffickers.

Paul Murphy — clip from remarks: Paul Murphy Condemns Training of Libyan Coast Guard, Demands Guarantee (25.04.2023)

Concerns about EU border policy


He framed the issue as part of a wider "Fortress Europe" approach, arguing that externalising Europe's borders by outsourcing interceptions to the Libyan Coast Guard has resulted in violent interceptions, deaths in the Mediterranean and migrants being returned to detention centres in inhumane conditions.

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Transcript
Thanks, Chair. As it stands, we will be opposing this motion. If we can get something that actually amounts to a commitment that the Irish forces will not be involved, the naval service personnel will not be engaged in any capacity building and training of the Libyan Coast Guard, then okay, then we could support this. But that is not what we have at the moment. We should be clear with ourselves on that. Let's not fool ourselves in the opposition that we've gotten a commitment. What we have instead in the Taoiseach's introductory remarks is it is not intended the naval service personnel. But could I ask the Minister to clarify, like, if the intention changes, there is no legal requirement to come back for another vote here. We've given the approval, triple lock is, you know, unlocked, and there isn't any necessity of another vote. And that's a fundamental problem. It really is. Because it is the case, as I understand, that already Irish forces have been involved in training the Libyan Coast Guard. Clearly, European forces extensively have been involved in capacity building and training of the Libyan Coast Guard under Arrheni. And I will just read into the record some of what the Libyan Coast Guard has gotten up to. I mean, horrendous, horrendous, horrendous, horrendous abuses of human rights and pushing back more than 40,000 men, women and children into detention camps where you have absolutely inhumane conditions, torture and so on. And I make the point, this is part of the very ugly face of the European Union's Fortress Europe policy. This is part of so-called externalising Europe's borders by effectively outsourcing the dirty work to forces like the Libyan Coast Guard to keep migrants from crossing the Mediterranean. And obviously, we know about all the horrendous deaths in the Mediterranean. So just to quote from the UN report of the independent fact-finding mission on Libya from the 1st of October 2021. The report found that, quote, there are reasonable grounds to believe that acts of murder, enslavement, torture, imprisonment, rape, persecution and other inhumane acts committed against migrants form part of a systematic and widespread attack directed at this population in furtherance of a state policy. As such, these acts may amount to crimes against humanity. And to be clear, what they are referring to there are acts by the Libyan Coast Guard. They say this finding is made notwithstanding the responsibility that may be borne by third states. And further investigations are required to establish the role of all those involved. The conditions in detention centres are described as intolerable, consciously calculated to cause suffering and the desire to utilise any means of escape, including by paying large sums of money to militias, criminal gangs, traffickers and smugglers who have links to the state and profit from this practice. The report explains that the interceptions of the Libyan Coast Guard are, quote, violent or reckless, resulting at times in deaths. On board, there are reports that Libyan Coast Guards confiscate belongings from migrants. Once disembarked, migrants are either transferred to detention centres or go missing, with reports that people are sold to traffickers. Interviews with migrants formerly held in DCIM, Department for Combating Illegal Migration, detention centres establish that all migrants, men and women, boys and girls, are kept in harsh conditions, some of whom die. It also states, some children are held with adults, placing them at high risk of abuse. Torture, such as electric shocks and sexual violence, including rape and forced prostitution, are prevalent. Although the detention of migrants is founded in Libyan domestic law, migrants are detained for indefinite periods, without an opportunity to have the legality of their detention reviewed, and the only practicable means of escape is by paying large sums of money to the guards, or engaging in forced labour or sexual favours inside or outside the detention centre, for the benefit of private individuals. Several interviewees described that they endured the same cycle of violence, in some cases of up to ten times, of paying guards to secure release, sea-crossing attempt, and interception, subsequent return to detention in harsh and violent conditions, all while under the absolute control of the authorities, militias and or criminal networks. I mean, this is just absolutely horrendous. I think everyone can agree that this is absolutely horrendous. But we want a guarantee that Irish forces will have no role whatsoever in increasing the capacity of these people, or in the training of these people, to give them more facility to engage in this sort of horrendous practice. Thank you.