Paul Murphy urges Anglo-Irish reset after British election

Thanks a lot, Cahirleach. I also want to refer to the British elections. I think ordinary people across Britain are delighted to see the back of the Tories, 14 years, which saw corporate profits soar while their waters were polluted by privatised corporations, while the number of food banks exploded, an extraordinary level, child poverty increased. People are delighted to see the back of the Tories. But as has been said, Cahir Starmer seems determined to say that very, very little is going to change either on the domestic or the international front. I want to focus on the international front because I think part of what made Jeremy Corbyn so offensive to the British capitalist class and traditional establishment is the fact that he was clearly pro-Palestine, against Western imperialism, as against all imperialism, and stood on the side of the oppressed. And Cahir Starmer is determined to say, you know, if it changed Labour Party, which is pro-NATO, pro-Israel, infamously in October said that Israel had the right to withhold power and water from Gaza. Cahir Starmer is, I think, currently at the NATO conference in Washington, D.C. and is very, very much aligned with the U.S. agenda. A related question, Teechock, is whether, is there any Irish representatives present at this NATO summit in Washington, D.C., or at meetings in the, kind of, environ of the summit? A couple of very important issues here. To Deputy Smith, I want to thank you for the point that you have made here today and have made on a number of occasions about the importance of the opportunity for Ireland and Britain to engage and engage at a senior level. Look, I've already, in my initial conversation with Prime Minister Starmer, had this conversation about the importance of getting the structure for engagement right, for the very reasons that you say. It used to happen almost automatically that whoever the Irish Taoiseach was would meet whoever the British Prime Minister was by virtue of our membership of the European Union. You'd meet at European councils, you'd meet at other events around that membership of the European Union. That's stopped, and now I think we either need to find another mechanism, or indeed, as you suggest, how the mechanisms that are already in place, north, south, east, west, under the Good Friday Agreement, can be harnessed, whether that's the British Irish Council with senior attendance, whether it's the point you make about senior individuals in the British Government attending the British Irish Parliamentary Association. It's not for me to be prescriptive, but I certainly believe that if Prime Minister Starmer and myself can come to an understanding as to how that structured engagement looks like, I genuinely believe so much good will flow from that. Because we all know, and we're all in politics, we all know that challenge emerges from a lack of dialogue and issues can become much more entrenched if there aren't formats to talk person to person, counterpart to counterpart. I really appreciate the fact that Prime Minister Starmer phoned me on his first day in office, that has invited me to Downing Street next week, and I take that as a really good signal of his commitment to that moment of reset in Anglo-Irish relations that I believe we need. On the issue of legacy, and a number of people have mentioned legacy, I mean, the Irish Government's position is clear, I think it's a position shared across this House. The Legacy Act is not something we obviously support in any manner or means. We found ourselves having to launch an interstate case. Not much that unites all political parties in Northern Ireland, this has. So I will want to talk to the British Prime Minister about legacy. I'm sure he'll want to talk to us about that as well. He has made commitments in his party's manifesto that I welcome. So I won't be prescriptive again, because I want to have that dialogue, Deputy America, directly with the Prime Minister. But there are some principles I suppose the Irish Government would have. Firstly, it has to be victim-centred. Secondly, the Northern Ireland executive and the parties of Northern Ireland need to have a role. It has to be compliant with the Good Friday Agreement and the processes of the Good Friday Agreement. And of course, it has to be human rights compliant as well. In relation to Dublin Monaghan bombing and the issue that both Deputy America and I think Deputy Boyd Barrett specifically raised, and indeed Deputy Smith, I was honoured on 17 May to attend a commemorative event to mark the 50th anniversary of the Dublin Monaghan bombing and to have the opportunity to meet some of the families of victims and survivors. It is important to recall in this House that the investigation into the Dublin Monaghan bombings remains an open case, just one moment, if you don't mind, in this jurisdiction. Gardie have been assisting the authorities in Northern Ireland in their investigations. Legislation was passed to enable cross-border cooperation with Operation Denton. I understand that the Thánaiste has recently received correspondence, but the fact is the Gardie are continuing to work with the Police Ombudsman as it proceeds with a wide range of work. I will engage with my officials on how best to do that, and on migration policy I think we have to make sure the common travel area is protected from any abuses, and I think that is the mechanism through which to explore. Thank you very much. Thank you very much.